Powhatan’s Letter to Captain John Smith (1608)
I am now grown old, and must soon die; and the succession must descend, in order, to my brothers, Opitchapan, Opekankanough, and Catataugh, and then to my two sisters, and their two daughters. I wish their experience was equal to mine; and that your love to us might not be less than ours to you.
Why should you take by force that from us which you can have by love? Why should you destroy us, who have provided you with food? What can you get by war? We can hide our provisions, and fly into the woods; and then you must consequently famish by wronging your friends.
What is the cause of your jealousy? You see us unarmed, and willing to supply your wants, if you will come in a friendly manner, and not with swords and guns, as to invade an enemy. I am not so simple, as not to know it is better to eat good meat, lie well, and sleep quietly with my women and children; to laugh and be merry with the English; and, being their friend, to have copper, hatchets, and whatever else I want, than to fly from all, to lie cold in the woods, feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and to be so hunted, that I cannot rest, eat, or sleep.
In such circumstances, my men must watch, and if a twig should but break, all would cry out, “Here comes Capt. Smith”; and so, in this miserable manner, to end my miserable life; and, Capt. Smith, this might be soon your fate too, through your rashness and unadvisedness. I, therefore, exhort you to peaceable councils; and, above all, I insist that the guns and swords, the cause of all our jealousy and uneasiness, be removed and sent away.
Coming to America on the Mayflower
In the early 1600s a group of English men and women called Separatists were living in Holland. They had moved there because in England they did not have religious freedom. In England they were forced to belong to the Church of England. They did not believe in the Church of England, so they decided to separate from that church and go to Holland where they could worship God as they chose. But after living in Holland for a while these people began to think that their children were losing their family traditions and becoming too much like the Dutch. They decided that they needed to move again. This time they would go somewhere where they could raise their children as they chose and no one could tell them what religion they had to follow. They chose to sail to the New World–America.
These people, we now call them Pilgrims, hired two ships to take them to America. The two ships were the Mayflower and the Speedwell. The Pilgrims made an agreement with the Virginia Company to build a settlement in Virginia and begin a new life in America. After loading the two ships with food, water, and other supplies the Pilgrims set sail for America in August of 1620. Almost immediately the Speedwell began leaking. The Pilgrims had to turn around and sail back to England to fix the leaking ship. More than two weeks passed before the Speedwell was ready. On August 21, 1620, the Pilgrims set off again for America. But soon water was again leaking into the Speedwell. After sailing nearly 300 miles toward America they had to turn back again. This time the Pilgrims decided to leave the Speedwell in England and sail to America with just one ship, the Mayflower.
Of course, putting all of the supplies and all of the people from two ships onto one ship made the Mayflower very crowded. There were now about 130 people on the small ship, 102 of them Pilgrims. On September 6, 1620, the Mayflower set sail for America again. Unfortunately, because of the delay, the Mayflower would be crossing the Atlantic Ocean during the dangerous stormy season.
The first few weeks of the voyage went fairly well. The only real problem was seasickness among many of the Pilgrims, who were so ill they could hardly move. It was cold, wet, and very uncomfortable aboard the ship.
Violent storms pounded the little ship. One man was washed overboard during a storm and was only saved by grabbing a rope and being pulled back on board. The Mayflower began to take on water and a wooden beam cracked. The ship’s crew quickly began to plug the cracks and repair the broken beam. The storms pushed the ship farther and farther north and when they finally ended, the Pilgrims and the crew of the Mayflower found themselves hundreds of miles north of where they were supposed to be. But there was some good news as well. A baby was born to Elizabeth Hopkins during the voyage. She named him Oceanus. The Mayflower stopped in Newfoundland to resupply and headed south along the east coast of America. On November 11, 1620, the Mayflower stopped at Cape Cod. It had been 66 days since the Pilgrims had left England.
The Pilgrims decided to build their settlement not far from Cape Cod in a place they named Plymouth. The Mayflower stayed in Plymouth through the winter as the Pilgrims built their houses, and the ship finally returned to England on April 5, 1621.
William Bradford Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647.
The one side [the Reformers] labored to have ye right worship of God & discipline of Christ established in ye church, according to ye simplicity of ye gospel, without the mixture of men inventions, and to have & to be ruled by ye laws of Gods word, dispensed in those offices, & by those officers of Pastors, Teachers, & Elders, &c. according to ye Scriptures.
The other party [the Church of England], though under many colors & pretenses, endeavored to have ye episcopal dignities (affter ye popish manner) with their large power & jurisdiction still retained; with all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies, together with all such livings, revenues, & subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their anti christian greatness, and enabled them with lordly & tyrannous power to persecute ye poor servants of God.
Questions for Religious Beliefs
1. What did the Reformers believe in?
2. What do the Pilgrims (Reformers) see as the problem with the Church of England?
Moving to the City of Leiden, Holland (1609)
For these & some other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair & bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but made more famous by ye universitie wherwith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many learned man. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amerstdam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living & estats. But being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads & imployments as they best could; valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente & comforteable living, but with hard and continuall labor.
Being thus settled (after many difficulties) they continued many years in a comfortable condition, injoying much sweete & delightefull societies & spirituall comforte togeather in ye wayes of God, under ye able ministrie, and prudente governmente of Mr. John Robinson, & Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistante unto him in ye place of an Elder, unto which he was now called & chosen by the church.
So as they grew in knowledge & other gifts & graces of ye spirite of God, & lived togeather in peace, & love, and holiness; and many came unto them from diverse parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation. And if at any time any differences arose, or offences broak out (as it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst ye best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt in ye head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued; or else ye church purged ot those that were incurable & incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom came to pass.
Questions for Moving to the City of Leiden, Holland (1609)
3. What was life like for the Pilgrims after they moved to Leiden?
Deciding to Emigrate to America
All great & honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It was granted ye dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though there were many of them likely, yet they were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of ye things feared might never befale; others by providente care & ye use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through ye help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or overcome.
True it was, that such atempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground & reason; not rashly or lightly as many have done for curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But their condition was not ordinarie; their ends were good & honourable; their calling lawfull, & urgente; and therfore they might expecte ye blessing of god in their proceding. Yea, though they should loose their lives in this action, yet might they have comforte in the same, and their endeavors would be honourable. They lived hear but as men in exile, & in a poore condition; and as great miseries might possibly befale them in this place, for ye 12. years of truce [the truce between Holland and Spain] were now out, & ther was nothing but beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway uncertaine.
Questions for Deciding to Emigrate to America
4. Why did the Pilgrims decide to move to America in spite of the dangers?
Arriving Safely at Cape Cod
Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed ye God of heaven, who had brought them over ye vast & furious ocean, and delivered them from all ye periles & miseries therof, againe to set their feete on ye firme and stable earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on ye coast of his owne Italy; as he affirmed, that he had rather remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a short time; so tedious & dreadfull was ye same unto him.
But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased at this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he well considered ye same. Being thus passed ye vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be remembred by yt which wente before), they had now no friends to wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weather beaten bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for succoure.
Let it also be considred what weake hopes of supply & succoure they left behinde them, yt might bear up their minds in this sade condition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed, ye affections & love of their brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards them, but they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and how ye case stode betweene them & ye marchants at their coming away, hath already been declared. What could not sustaine them but ye spirite of God & his grace? May not & ought not the children of these fathers rightly say : Our faithers were Englishmen which came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes; but they cried unto ye Lord, and he heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie…
Questions for Arriving Safely at Cape Cod
5. What attitude did the Pilgrims have toward their arrival in Cape Cod?
The Pilgrims’ Exploring Party Lands at Plymouth
From hence they departed, & co[a]sted all along, but discerned no place likely for harbor; & therfore hasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had bine in ye cuntrie before) did assure them was a good harbor, which he had been in, and they might fetch it before night; of which they were glad, for it begane to be foule weather.
After some houres sailing, it begane to snow & raine, & about ye midle of ye afternoone, ye wind increased, & ye sea became very rough, and they broake their ruder, & it was as much as 2 men could doe to steere her with a cupple of oares. But their pillott bad them be of good cheere, for he saw ye harbor; but ye storme increasing, & night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to gett in, while they could see. But herwith they broake their mast in 3 peeces, & their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to have been cast away; yet by Gods mercie they recovered them selves, & having ye floud with them, struck into ye harbore.
But when it came too, ye pillott was deceived in ye place, and said, ye Lord be mercifull unto them, for his eys never saw yt place before; & he & the mr. mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before ye winde. But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they were all cast away; the which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheere & row lustly, for ther was a faire sound before them, & he doubted not but they should find one place or other wher they might ride in saftie. And though it was very darke, and rained sore, yet in ye end they gott under ye lee of a smale iland, and remained ther all yt night in saftie. But they knew not this to be an iland till morning, but were devided in their minds; some would keepe ye boate for fear they might be amongst ye Indians; others were so weake and cold, they could not endure, but got a shore, & with much adoe got fire, (all things being so wett,) and ye rest were glad to come to them; for after midnight ye wind shifted to the north-west, & it frose hard.
But though this had been a day & night of much trouble & danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning of comforte & refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for ye next day was a faire sunshinig day, and they found them sellvs to be on an iland secure from ye Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, & rest them selves, and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould deliverances. And this being the last day of ye weeke, they prepared there to keepe ye Sabath.
On Munday they sounded ye harbor, and founde it fitt for shipping; and marched into ye land [Plymouth], & found diverse cornfeilds, & litle runing brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; at least it was ye best they could find, and ye season, & their presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. So they returned to their shipp againe with this news to ye rest of their people, which did much comforte their harts.
Questions for The Pilgrims’ Exploring Party Lands at Plymouth
6. To what do the Pilgrims attribute their safety and survival?
7. What happened to the Pilgrims’ exploring party before they arrived in Plymouth?
8. How did the Pilgrims react to hearing about Plymouth?
Meeting Squanto, the Native American Who Spoke English
All this while the Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes show themselves aloof off, but when any approached near them, they would run away; and once they stole away their tools where they had been at work and were gone to dinner.
But about the 16th of March, a certain Indian came boldly amongst them and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand but marveled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern parts where some English ships came to fish, with whom he was acquainted and could name sundry of them by their names, amongst whom he had got his language. He became profitable to them in acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country in the east parts where he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of the people here, of their names, number and strength, of their situation and distance from this place, and who was chief amongst them. His name was Samoset. He told them also of another Indian whose name was Sguanto, a native of this place, who had been in England and could speak better English than himself.
Being after some time of entertainment and gifts dismissed, a while after he came again, and five more with him, and they brought again all the tools that were stolen away before, and made way for the coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoit. Who, about four or five days after, came with the chief of his friends and other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after friendly entertainment and some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24 years) in these terms:
1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of their people.
2. That if any of his did hurt to any of theirs, he should send the offender, that they might punish him.
3. That if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his.
4. If any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him; if any did war against them, he should aid them.
5. He should send to his neighbors confederates to certify them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace.
6. That when their men came to them, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them.
After these things he returned to his place called Sowams, some 40 miles from this place, but Squanto continued with them and was their interpreter and was a special instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corn, where to take fish, and to procure other commodities, and was also their pilot to bring them to unknown places for their profit, and never left them till he died.
He was a native of this place, and scarce any left alive besides himself. He we carried away with divers others by one Hunt, a master of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spain. But he got away for England and was entertained by a merchant in London, and employed to Newfoundland and other parts, and lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr. Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others for discovery and other designs in these parts.
Questions for Meeting Squanto, the Native American Who Spoke English
9. What did the agreement between Squanto and the Pilgrims state?
10. Why did the Pilgrims owe Squanto gratitude?
The Winter of 1621
In these hard & difficulte beginings they found some discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches & carriags in other; but they were soone quelled & overcome by ye wisdome, patience, and just & equall carrage of things by ye Govr and better part, wch clave faithfully togeather in ye maine. But that which was most sadd & lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being ye depth of winter, and wanting houses & other comforts; being infected with ye scurvie & other diseases, which this long vioage & their inacomodate condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in ye foresaid time; that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained.
And of these in ye time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did all ye homly & necessarie offices for them wch dainty & quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly & cherfully, without any grudging in ye least, shewing herein their true love unto their friends & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to be remembred. Two of these 7. were Mr. William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther Captein & military comander, unto whom my selfe, & many others, were much beholden in our low & sicke condition.
Questions for The Winter of 1621
11. Why did so many people die during this winter?
The First Thanksgiving Feast
They begane now to gather in ye small harvest they had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against winter, being all well recovered in health & strenght, and had all things in good plenty; fFor as some were thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which yey tooke good store, of which every family had their portion. All ye somer ther was no want. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter approached, of which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke many, besids venison, &c. Besids, they had about a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean corn to yt proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not fained, but true reports.
Questions for The First Thanksgiving Feast
12. The Pilgrims have been in Plymouth for almost a year. Which line from this excerpt signifies this?
13. What was the result of the harvest and the Thanksgiving feast?
Overall Question for William Bradford’s Of Plymouth Plantation
Why might Bradford have written this in third person point of view instead of first person narrative?
Letter of Gov. William Phips (1692-1693)
Dated at Boston the 12th of October 1692
When I first arrived I found this province miserably harassed with a most horrible witchcraft or Possession of Devils's which had broke in upon several towns, some score of poor people were taken with preternatural torments some scalded with brimstone some had pins stuck in their flesh others hurried into the fire and water and some dragged out of their houses and carried over the tops of trees and hills for many Miles together; it hath been represented to me much like that of Sweden about thirty years ago, and there were many committed to prison upon suspicion of Witchcraft before my arrival. The loud cried and clamors of the friends of the afflicted people with the advice of the Deputy Governor and many others prevailed with me to give a Commission of Oyer and Terminer for discovering what witchcraft might be at the bottom or whether it were not a possession. The chief Justice in the Commission was the Deputy Governor and the rest were persons of the best prudence and figure that could then be pitched upon. When the Court came to sitt at Salem in the county of Essex they convicted more than twenty persons of being guilty of witchcraft, some of the convicted were such as confessed their Guilt, the Court as I understand began their proceedings with the accusations of the afflicted and then went upon other humane evidences to strengthen that. I was almost the whole time of the proceeding abroad in the service of Their Majesties in the Eastern part of the Country and depending upon the Judgement of the Court as to the right method of proceeding in cases of Witchcraft but when I came home I found many persons in a strange ferment of dissatisfaction which was increased by some hot Spirits that blew up the flame, but on inquiring into the matter I found that the name and shape of several persons who were doubtless innocent and to my certain knowledge of good reputation for which cause I have now forbidden the committing of any more that shall be accused without unavoidable necessity, and those that have been committed I would shelter from any Proceedings against them wherein there may be the least suspicion of any wrong to be done unto the Innocent. I would also wait for any particular directions or commands if their Majesties please to give mee any for the fuller ordering of this perplexing affair. I have also put a stop to the printing of any discourse one way or the other, that may increase the needless disputes of people upon this occasion, because I saw a likelihood of kindling an inextinguishable flame if I should admit any public and open Contests and I have grieved to see that some who should have done their Majesties and this Provence better service have so far taken Council of Passion as to desire the percipience of these matters, these things have been improved by some to give me many interruptions in their Majesties service and in truth none of my vexations have been greater that this, than that their majesties service has been hereby unhappily clogged, and the Persons who have made so ill improvement of these matters here are seeking to turn it all upon me, but I hereby declare that as soon as I came from fighting against their Majesties Enemies and understood what danger some of their innocent subjects might be exposed to, if the evidence of the afflicted persons only did prevail either to the committing or trying of any of them, I did before any application was made unto me about it put a stop to the proceedings of the court and they are now stop till their Majesties pleasure be known. Sir I beg pardon for giving you all this trouble, the reason is because I know my enemies are seeking to turn it all upon me and I take this liberty because I depend upon your friendship, and desire you will please to give a true understanding of the matter if any thing of this kind be urged or mage to use of against me. Because the justness of my proceeding herein will bee a sufficient defense. Sir
I am with all imaginable respect Your most humble Servant. William Phips 
Excerpt
Wee consent that the States Generall, or the West India Company shall freely enjoy all ffarms & Houses (except such as are in the fforts) and that within six months they shall have free Liberty to transport, all such arms and ammunition as now do belong to them, or else they shall be payd for them.
2. All publick Houses shall continue for the uses, wch. now they are for. 3. All people shall continue free Denizons and enjoy their Lands, Houses, Goods, Ships, wherever they are within this Country, and dispose of them as they please. 4. If any Inhabitant have a mind to remove himself he shall have a year and six weeks from this day to remove himself, Wife, Children, Servts. Goods and to dispose of his Land here. 5. If any officer of State of publick Minister of State have a mind to go for England they shall be transported fraught free in His Ma.t’s ffriggatts, when those ffriggats shall returne thither. 6. It is consented to, that any people may freely come from the Netherlands and plant in this Country; and that Dutch Vessells may freely come hither, and any of the Dutch may freely return home, or send any sort of Merchandises home in Vessells of their own Country. 7. All ships from the Netherlands or any other places, and goods therin, shall be received here & sent hence, after the manner, wch. formerly they were before our coming hither for six months next ensuing. 8. The Dutch here shall enjoy their Liberty of their Consciences in Divine Worship and Church Dissipline. 9. No Dutchman here or Dutch Ship here shall upon any occasion be prest to serve in Warr against any Nation whatsoever. 10. That the Townesman of the Manhattoo shall not have any Soldiers quartered upon them wth.out being satisfied and payd for them, by their officers, and that at this present, if the ffort be not capable of lodging all the Soldiers, then the Burge Master by His officers shall appoint some House capable to re[illegible]e them. 11. The Dutch here shall enjoy their own Customes concerning their Inheritances. 12. All publick writings and Records wch. Concerns the Inheritances of any people, or the Regulment of the Church or Poor or Orphans shall bee carefully kept by them in whose hands now they are, and such writings as particularly concern the states generall all may att any time be sent to them. 13. No Judgement that hath passed any Judicature here shall be called in question, but if any conceive that he hath not had Justice done him, if hee apply himself to the states Generall, the other party shall bee bound to answer for the supposed Injury. 14. If any Dutch living here shall att any time desire to travell or traffique into England or any place or Plantation in obedience to His Maty of England, or with the Indians he shall have (upon his Request to the Govr.) a Certificate that he is a free Denizon of this Place, and Liberty to do so . . . Questions for Discussion
Read the document introduction and transcript and apply your knowledge of American history in order to answer these questions.
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Primary Source from “The Life of Olaudah Equiano”
Olaudah Equiano (1745? – 1797) grew up in the West African kingdom of Benin in what is now eastern Nigeria. Kidnapped by African slave traders, he was transported to Barbados in 1756, then to colonial Virginia. His autobiography, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, was published in 1789.
While we stayed on the coast I was mostly on deck; and one day, to my great astonishment, I saw one of these vessels coming in with the sails up….At last, she came to anchor in my sight, and when the anchor was let go, I and my countrymen who saw it, were lost in astonishment to observe the vessel stop – and were now convinced it was done by magic…
At last, when the ship we were in, had got in all her cargo, they made ready with many fearful noises, and we were all put under deck, so that we could not see how they managed the vessel. But this disappointment was the least of my sorrow. The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome, that it was dangerous to remain there for any time…but now that the whole ship’s cargo were confined together, it became absolutely pestilential (deadly).
The closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died – thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers. This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains…and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almost suffocated.
The shrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole scene of horror almost inconceivable. Happily perhaps, for myself, I was soon reduced to low here that it was thought necessary to keep me almost always on deck; and from my extreme youth I was not put in fetters (chains). In this situation I expected every hour to share the fate of my companions, some of whom were almost daily brought upon deck at the point of death, which I began to hope would soon put an end to my miseries…Every circumstance I met with, served only to render my state more painful, and heightened my apprehensions, and my opinion of the cruelty of the whites.
One day they had taken a number of fishes; and when they had killed and satisfied themselves with as many as they thought fit, to our astonishment who were on deck, rather than give any of them to us to eat, as we expected, they tossed the remaining fish into the sea again, although we begged and prayed for some as well as we could, but in vain….
One day…two of my wearied countrymen who were chained together, preferring death to such a life of misery, somehow made through the nettings and jumped into the sea; immediately, another quite dejected fellow…followed their example; and I believe many more would very soon have done the same, if they had not been prevented by the ship’s crew…There was such a noise and confusion amongst the people of the ship as I never heard before, to stop her, and get the boat out to go after the slaves. However, two of the wretches were drowned, but they got the other, and afterwards flogged him unmercifully, for thus attempting to prefer death to slavery.
1. What did dropping the anchor do that Equiano believed to be magic?
2. Why were the Africans put under the deck?
3. How bad was the smell below deck?
4. What are two reasons Africans felt like they were suffocating?
5. What killed “many” Africans on the boat?
6. How did Equiano begin to feel about death?
7. Explain what happened the day with the fish?
8. What did three Africans do while on the boat?
9. Why didn’t more do the same action asked in number 8?
10. What happened to the “saved” African from number 8?
The Conference of Albany
(a.k.a. the Albany Congress), 1754
Background
During the French and
Indian War, representatives of seven colonies met in Albany, New York, with
representatives of the Iroquois Confederacy, a Native American group. The goal
of the Albany Congress was to solidify friendship with the Iroquois in light of
the approaching war with France and the continuous pressure felt by Native
Americans along the frontier as American settlers continued to move westward.
Another goal of the
conference was to discuss the possibility of an inter-colonial union. Benjamin
Franklin presented a "plan of union" at the conference which would
establish a Grand Council which would be able to levy taxes, raise troops, and
regulate trade with the Indians. The delegates at the congress approved the
plan, but the colonies refused to ratify it, since it threatened their power of
taxation.
Albany Plan of Union (1754)
It is proposed that humble application be made for an act of
Parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be
formed in America, including all the said colonies, within and under which
government each colony may retain its present constitution, except in the
particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said act, as hereafter
follows.
1. That the said general government be administered by a
President-General, to be appointed and supported by the crown; and a Grand
Council, to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several
Colonies met in their respective assemblies.
2. That . . . after the passing such act, the House of
Representatives that happen to be sitting within that time, or that shall be
especially for that purpose convened, may and shall choose members for the
Grand Council, in the following proportion, that is to say,
Massachusetts Bay 7
New Hampshire 2
Connecticut 5
Rhode Island 2
New York 4
New Jersey 3
Pennsylvania 6
Maryland 4
Virginia 7
North Carolina 4
South Carolina 4
48
3. – who shall meet for the first time at the city of
Philadelphia, being called by the President-General as soon as conveniently may
be after his appointment.
4. That there shall be a new election of the members of the
Grand Council every three years. . .
10. That the President-General, with the advice of the Grand
Council, hold or direct all Indian treaties, in which the general interest of
the Colonies may be concerned; and make peace or declare war with Indian
nations. . . .
14. That they make laws for regulating and governing such
new settlements, till the crown shall think fit to form them into particular
governments.
15. That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the
defence of any of the Colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts
and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes, or great rivers; but they shall not
impress men in any Colony, without the consent of the Legislature.
16. That for these purposes they have power to make laws,
and lay and levy such general duties, imposts, or taxes, as to them shall
appear most equal and just (considering the ability and other circumstances of
the inhabitants in the several Colonies), and such as may be collected with the
least inconvenience to the people. . . .
21. That the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid
shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of
England, and shall be transmitted to the King in Council for approbation, as
soon as may be after their passing; and if not disapproved within three years
after presentation, to remain in force.
“Join or Die” Cartoon, by Benjamin Franklin
(1754)
Discussion Questions
1. What background information is important for understanding Albany Conference?2. What was suggested in the Albany Plan of Union?
3. What can be learned from Benjamin Franklin’s woodcut?
Pontiac’s War and the
Proclamation of 1763
Background
The end of the French
and Indian War in 1763 was a cause for great celebration in the colonies, for
it removed several ominous barriers and opened up a host of new opportunities
for the colonists. The French had effectively hemmed in the British settlers
and had, from the perspective of the settlers, played the "Indians"
against them. The first thing on the minds of colonists was the great western
frontier that had opened to them when the French ceded that contested territory
to the British.
Many Native Americans
in the Great Lakes region reacted to the transition from French to British rule
with an uprising that came to be known as Pontiac's Rebellion, launched in
1763. Warriors from numerous tribes joined the uprising in an effort to drive
British soldiers and settlers out of the region. The war is named after the
Ottawa leader Pontiac, the most prominent of many native leaders in the
conflict. Hostilities came to an end after British Army expeditions in 1764 led
to peace negotiations over the next two years. Native Americans were unable to
drive away the British, but the uprising prompted the British government to
modify the policies that had provoked the conflict.
King George III’s
royal proclamation of 1763 was inspired in part by Pontiac’s Rebellion and it
did much to dampen that celebration among the American colonists following
their victory in the French and Indian War. The proclamation, in effect, closed
off the frontier to colonial expansion. The King and his council presented the
proclamation as a measure to calm the fears of the Indians, who felt that the
colonists would drive them from their lands as they expanded westward. Many in
the colonies felt that the object was to pen them in along the Atlantic
seaboard where they would be easier to regulate. No doubt there was a large
measure of truth in both of these positions. However the colonists could not
help but feel a strong resentment when what they perceived to be their prize
was snatched away from them. The proclamation provided that all lands west of
the heads of all rivers which flowed into the Atlantic Ocean from the west or
northwest were off-limits to the colonists. This excluded the rich Ohio Valley
and all territory from the Ohio to the Mississippi rivers from settlement.
Discussion Questions
1. What background information is important for understanding Pontiac’s Rebellion?2. What was suggested in the royal proclamation?
3. What did the colonists think of the king's orders?
Cultural and Ideological Ties
George
Washington, Letter to Robert Orme, Aide-de-Campe to General Edward Braddock
(1755)
Upon hearing that
veteran British General Edward Braddock was headed to the Ohio country with
British troops to attack the French and their Indian allies, a young George
Washington – then a Major in the Virginian army – eagerly accepted the
General’s invitation to volunteer as one of his aides.
It is true, sir, I have. . . expressed an inclination to
serve in this campaign as a volunteer; and this inclination is not a little
increased, since it is likely to be conducted by a gentleman of the general’s
experience. But besides this, and the laudable desire I may have to serve with
my best abilities my king and country, I must be ingenuous enough to confess,
that I am not a little biased by selfish considerations. To explain, sir, I
wish earnestly to attain some knowledge in the military profession, and [I believe]
a more favorable opportunity cannot offer than to serve under a gentleman of
General Braddock’s abilities and experience.
Sermon: Rev. Thomas Barnard, Massachusetts
(1763)
Auspicious Day! when Britain, the special Care of Heaven,
blessed with a patriot-Sovereign, served by wise and faithful Councellors,
brave Commanders, successful Fleets and Armies, seconded in her Efforts by all
her Children, and by none more zealously than by those of New England . . .
America, mayest well rejoice, the Children of New England
may be glad and triumph, in Reflection on Events past, and Prospect for the
future . . .
Now commences the Era of our quiet Enjoyment of those
Liberties which our Fathers purchased with the Toil of their whole Lives, their
Treasure, their Blood. Safe from the
Enemy of the Wilderness, safe from the gripping Hand of arbitrary Sway and
cruel Superstition, here shall be the late founded Seat of Peace and
Freedom. Here shall our indulgent
Mother, who has most generously rescued and protected us, be served and honored
by growing Numbers, with all Duty, Love and Gratitude, till Time shall be no
more.
Benjamin Franklin Testimony in the British House of Commons (1766)
Testimony given by
Benjamin Franklin in London in response to the passage of the Stamp Act,
Britain’s first internal tax on the colonists, issued in an effort to raise
revenue following the French and Indian War.
Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes among
themselves?
A. Certainly many, and very heavy taxes.
Q. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, laid by the
laws of the colony?
A. There are taxes on all estates, real and personal; a poll
tax; a tax on all offices, professions, trades, and businesses, according to
their profits; an excise on all wine, rum, and other spirit; and a duty of ten
pounds per head on all Negroes imported, with some other duties.
Q. For what purposes are those taxes laid?
A. For the support of the civil and military establishments
of the country, and to discharge the heavy debt contracted in the [French and
Indian War]. . . .
Q. Do you think it right that America should be protected by
this country and pay no part of the expense?
A. That is
not [entirely] the case. The colonies raised, clothed, and paid, during the
last war, near 25,000 men, and spent many millions.
Q. Do you think the people of America would submit to pay
the stamp duty, if it was moderated?
A. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms. . . .
Q. What was the temper of America towards Great Britain
before the year 1763?
A. The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the
government of the Crown, and paid… obedience to acts of Parliament. Numerous as
the people are in the [colonies] they cost you nothing in forts, citadels,
garrisons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. They were governed by this
country at the expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper. . . . They had not
only a respect but an affection for Great Britain; for its laws, its customs,
and manners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly increased the
commerce. . . .
Q. And what is their
temper now?
A. Oh, very much
altered!
Q. Did you ever hear
the authority of Parliament to make laws for America questioned till lately?
A. The authority of
Parliament was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should lay
internal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce.
Q. In what light did
the people of America use to consider the Parliament of Great Britain?
A. They considered
the Parliament as the great bulwark and security of their liberties and
privileges, and always spoke of it with the utmost respect and veneration. . .
.
Q. And have they not
still the same respect for Parliament?
A. No; it is greatly
lessened. . . .
Q. If the act is not repealed, what do you think will be the
consequences?
A. A total loss of the respect and affection the people of
America bear to this country, and of all the commerce that depends on that respect
and affection.
Q. How can the commerce be affected?
A. You will find that, if the act is not repealed, they will
[buy] very little of your manufactures in a short time. . . . .
Q. Is it their interest not to [buy] them?
A. The goods they take from Britain are either necessaries,
mere conveniences, or superfluities. The first, as cloth, etc., with a little
industry they can make at home; the second they can do without till they are
able to provide them among themselves; and the last, which are mere articles of
fashion, purchased and consumed because it is the fashion in a respected
country; but will now be detested and rejected. . . .
Q. What used to be the pride of the Americans?
A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of Great
Britain.
Q. What is now their pride?
A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they can make
new ones.
Discussion Questions
1. What can be learned from George Washington’s
letter?
2.
What can be learned from Rev. Barnard’s Sermon?
3. What can be learned from Benjamin
Franklin’s testimony?
The Stamp Act Crisis
Background
The Stamp Act was passed by the British Parliament on
March 22, 1765. The new tax was imposed on all American colonists and required
them to pay a tax on every piece of
printed paper they used. The following documents (amongst many others) were
taxed under these new provisions:
-
Ship's papers
-
Legal documents (wills, bail, warrants, affidavits, labor
contracts, etc.)
-
School diplomas
-
Licenses (lawyer, doctor, liquor, etc.)
-
Newspapers
-
Advertisements
-
Bonds
-
Playing cards & dice
-
Almanac
-
Calendars
The money collected by the Stamp Act was to be used to
help pay the costs of defending and protecting the American frontier near the
Appalachian Mountains (10,000 troops were to be stationed on the American
frontier for this purpose).
The Virginia Stamp Act Resolutions (1765)
Patrick Henry had been a member of the Virginia’s House of Burgesses
assembly for exactly nine days as the May session was drawing to a close. On
May 29, 1765, George Johnston of Fairfax, VA rose to suggest that the House of
Burgesses consider the Stamp Act. Patrick Henry leaped to his feet and seconded
the motion to the shock of the older delegates in attendance. How dare Virginia
consider a law that Parliament had already passed? One delegate, George Wyeth,
reminded everyone present that “it is our duty to humbly and silently accept
the decisions of Parliament.” In disagreement, Henry offered the stunned
delegates seven resolutions:
Resolved, that the first adventurers and settlers of His
Majesty's colony and dominion of Virginia brought with them and transmitted to
their posterity, and all other His Majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this
His Majesty's said colony, all the liberties, privileges, franchises, and
immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the
people of Great Britain. . . .
Resolved, that the taxation of the people by themselves, or
by persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only know what taxes
the people are able to bear, or the easiest method of raising them, and must
themselves be affected by every tax laid on the people, is the only security
against a burdensome taxation, and the distinguishing characteristic of British
freedom, without which the ancient constitution cannot exist.
Resolved, that His Majesty's liege people of this his most
ancient and loyal colony have without interruption enjoyed the inestimable
right of being governed by such laws, respecting their internal policy and
taxation, as are derived from their own consent, with the approbation of their
[King], or his substitute; and that the same has never been forfeited or
yielded up, but has been constantly recognized by the kings and people of Great
Britain.
[Note: The
following resolutions were not approved by the House of Burgesses but were
widely circulated around the colony.]
Resolved, therefor that the General Assembly of this Colony
have the only and exclusive Right and Power to lay Taxes and Impositions upon
the inhabitants of this Colony and that every Attempt to vest such Power in any
person or persons whatsoever other than the General Assembly aforesaid has a
manifest Tendency to destroy British as well as American Freedom.
Resolved, That His Majesty's liege people, the inhabitants
of this Colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance
whatever, designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than the
laws or ordinances of the General Assembly aforesaid.
Discussion Questions
1. What was the Stamp Act?2. Describe 2 Stamp Act Resolutions
3. How did the colonists react to the Stamp Act?
Federalist Paper #10
By James Madison
Among the numerous advantage promised by a well constructed union of states in the form of a strong central government, none deserves to be more accurately developed than in its ability to break and control the violence of faction.
By a faction, I understand a number of citizens,whether amounting to a majority or minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent interests of the community.
There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects. The most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property.
Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society. Those who are creditors, and those who are debtors, fall under a like discrimination. A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations, and divide them into different sentiments and views. The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government. It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests and render them all subservient to the public good.Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. Nor, in many cases, can such an adjustment be made at all, without taking into view indirect and remote considerations, which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another orthe good of the whole.
The inference to which we are brought is that the causes of faction cannot be removed, and that,relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its effects.By what means is this relief attainable? Evidently by one of two ways only. Either the existence of the interest in a majority must be prevented, or the majority, having such coexistent passion or interest, must be rendered, by their number and local situation, unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression. If the impulse and the opportunity be suffered to coincide, we well know that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control of the masses.From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. A common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and disagreement; have ever been found
incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths.A republic, by which I mean a government in which the scheme of representation takes place,opens a different prospect and promises the cure for which we are seeking. Let us examine the points in which it varies from pure democracy,and we shall comprehend both the nature of the cure and effectiveness which it must derive from the Union.
The two great points of difference between ademocracy and a republic are: first, the power in are public is delegated to a small number of citizens;and a republic can be extended over a larger country and can include a greater number of citizens.The effect of the first difference is, on the one hand, to refine and enlarge the public views, bypassing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best choose the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations of change. Under such a regulation, it may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consistent to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves.
The other point of difference is, the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of republican than of democratic government; and it is this circumstance principally which renders factions less to be dreaded in the former than in the latter.The smaller society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority, and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interest; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other.[And] where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, communication is always checked by distrust, in proportion to the number whose agreement is necessary.Hence, it clearly appears, that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy, in controlling the effects of faction, is enjoyed by a large over a small republic—is enjoyed by the strong central government over the states composing the Union.
The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular states, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other states. A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property,or for any other improper or wicked project,will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of it; in the same proportion as such a malady is more likely to taint a particular county or district, than an entire state.In the extent and proper structure of the union, therefore, we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government.
READING GUIDE FOR FEDERALIST #10
1. In your own words, what is a faction?
2. According to Madison, what causes factions?
3. What does Madison propose to do about the causes of factions? Why?
4. How does a republic differ from a democracy? Is the United States today a republic or democracy?
5. According to Madison, who should make the important decisions of a society?
6. What does Madison worry might happen in a pure democracy?
7. Explain why you agree or disagree with Madison’s ideas about government.
The Federalist No. 51
To the People of the State of New York:TO WHAT expedient, then, shall we finally resort, for maintaining in practice the necessary partition of power among the several departments, as laid down in the Constitution? The only answer that can be given is, that as all these exterior provisions are found to be inadequate, the defect must be supplied, by so contriving the interior structure of the government as that its several constituent parts may, by their mutual relations, be the means of keeping each other in their proper places. Without presuming to undertake a full development of this important idea, I will hazard a few general observations, which may perhaps place it in a clearer light, and enable us to form a more correct judgment of the principles and structure of the government planned by the convention.
In order to lay a due foundation for that separate and distinct exercise of the different powers of government, which to a certain extent is admitted on all hands to be essential to the preservation of liberty, it is evident that each department should have a will of its own; and consequently should be so constituted that the members of each should have as little agency as possible in the appointment of the members of the others. Were this principle rigorously adhered to, it would require that all the appointments for the supreme executive, legislative, and judiciary magistracies should be drawn from the same fountain of authority, the people, through channels having no communication whatever with one another. Perhaps such a plan of constructing the several departments would be less difficult in practice than it may in contemplation appear. Some difficulties, however, and some additional expense would attend the execution of it. Some deviations, therefore, from the principle must be admitted. In the constitution of the judiciary department in particular, it might be inexpedient to insist rigorously on the principle: first, because peculiar qualifications being essential in the members, the primary consideration ought to be to select that mode of choice which best secures these qualifications; secondly, because the permanent tenure by which the appointments are held in that department, must soon destroy all sense of dependence on the authority conferring them.
It is equally evident, that the members of each department should be as little dependent as possible on those of the others, for the emoluments annexed to their offices. Were the executive magistrate, or the judges, not independent of the legislature in this particular, their independence in every other would be merely nominal. But the great security against a gradual concentration of the several powers in the same department, consists in giving to those who administer each department the necessary constitutional means and personal motives to resist encroachments of the others. The provision for defense must in this, as in all other cases, be made commensurate to the danger of attack. Ambition must be made to counteract ambition. The interest of the man must be connected with the constitutional rights of the place. It may be a reflection on human nature, that such devices should be necessary to control the abuses of government. But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.
A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions. This policy of supplying, by opposite and rival interests, the defect of better motives, might be traced through the whole system of human affairs, private as well as public. We see it particularly displayed in all the subordinate distributions of power, where the constant aim is to divide and arrange the several offices in such a manner as that each may be a check on the other that the private interest of every individual may be a sentinel over the public rights. These inventions of prudence cannot be less requisite in the distribution of the supreme powers of the State. But it is not possible to give to each department an equal power of self-defense. In republican government, the legislative authority necessarily predominates. The remedy for this inconveniency is to divide the legislature into different branches; and to render them, by different modes of election and different principles of action, as little connected with each other as the nature of their common functions and their common dependence on the society will admit. It may even be necessary to guard against dangerous encroachments by still further precautions. As the weight of the legislative authority requires that it should be thus divided, the weakness of the executive may require, on the other hand, that it should be fortified.
An absolute negative on the legislature appears, at first view, to be the natural defense with which the executive magistrate should be armed. But perhaps it would be neither altogether safe nor alone sufficient. On ordinary occasions it might not be exerted with the requisite firmness, and on extraordinary occasions it might be perfidiously abused. May not this defect of an absolute negative be supplied by some qualified connection between this weaker department and the weaker branch of the stronger department, by which the latter may be led to support the constitutional rights of the former, without being too much detached from the rights of its own department? If the principles on which these observations are founded be just, as I persuade myself they are, and they be applied as a criterion to the several State constitutions, and to the federal Constitution it will be found that if the latter does not perfectly correspond with them, the former are infinitely less able to bear such a test.
There are, moreover, two considerations particularly applicable to the federal system of America, which place that system in a very interesting point of view. First. In a single republic, all the power surrendered by the people is submitted to the administration of a single government; and the usurpations are guarded against by a division of the government into distinct and separate departments. In the compound republic of America, the power surrendered by the people is first divided between two distinct governments, and then the portion allotted to each subdivided among distinct and separate departments. Hence a double security arises to the rights of the people. The different governments will control each other, at the same time that each will be controlled by itself. Second. It is of great importance in a republic not only to guard the society against the oppression of its rulers, but to guard one part of the society against the injustice of the other part. Different interests necessarily exist in different classes of citizens. If a majority be united by a common interest, the rights of the minority will be insecure.
There are but two methods of providing against this evil: the one by creating a will in the community independent of the majority that is, of the society itself; the other, by comprehending in the society so many separate descriptions of citizens as will render an unjust combination of a majority of the whole very improbable, if not impracticable. The first method prevails in all governments possessing an hereditary or self-appointed authority. This, at best, is but a precarious security; because a power independent of the society may as well espouse the unjust views of the major, as the rightful interests of the minor party, and may possibly be turned against both parties. The second method will be exemplified in the federal republic of the United States. Whilst all authority in it will be derived from and dependent on the society, the society itself will be broken into so many parts, interests, and classes of citizens, that the rights of individuals, or of the minority, will be in little danger from interested combinations of the majority.
In a free government the security for civil rights must be the same as that for religious rights. It consists in the one case in the multiplicity of interests, and in the other in the multiplicity of sects. The degree of security in both cases will depend on the number of interests and sects; and this may be presumed to depend on the extent of country and number of people comprehended under the same government. This view of the subject must particularly recommend a proper federal system to all the sincere and considerate friends of republican government, since it shows that in exact proportion as the territory of the Union may be formed into more circumscribed Confederacies, or States oppressive combinations of a majority will be facilitated: the best security, under the republican forms, for the rights of every class of citizens, will be diminished: and consequently the stability and independence of some member of the government, the only other security, must be proportionately increased. Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been and ever will be pursued until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit. In a society under the forms of which the stronger faction can readily unite and oppress the weaker, anarchy may as truly be said to reign as in a state of nature, where the weaker individual is not secured against the violence of the stronger; and as, in the latter state, even the stronger individuals are prompted, by the uncertainty of their condition, to submit to a government which may protect the weak as well as themselves; so, in the former state, will the more powerful factions or parties be gradnally induced, by a like motive, to wish for a government which will protect all parties, the weaker as well as the more powerful.
It can be little doubted that if the State of Rhode Island was separated from the Confederacy and left to itself, the insecurity of rights under the popular form of government within such narrow limits would be displayed by such reiterated oppressions of factious majorities that some power altogether independent of the people would soon be called for by the voice of the very factions whose misrule had proved the necessity of it. In the extended republic of the United States, and among the great variety of interests, parties, and sects which it embraces, a coalition of a majority of the whole society could seldom take place on any other principles than those of justice and the general good; whilst there being thus less danger to a minor from the will of a major party, there must be less pretext, also, to provide for the security of the former, by introducing into the government a will not dependent on the latter, or, in other words, a will independent of the society itself. It is no less certain than it is important, notwithstanding the contrary opinions which have been entertained, that the larger the society, provided it lie within a practical sphere, the more duly capable it will be of self-government. And happily for the REPUBLICAN CAUSE, the practicable sphere may be carried to a very great extent, by a judicious modification and mixture of the FEDERAL PRINCIPLE.
PUBLIUS.
READING GUIDE FOR FEDERALIST #51
1. What is essential to the “preservation of liberty?” How should this “be so constituted?”
2. Explain the following: “A dependence upon the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.”
3. In a republican government, which branch is the strongest? Identify three ways of “remedying this inconveniency.”
4. List two ways in which the federal system of the US “places that system in a very interesting point of view,” i.e. protects against tyranny. (HINT: think about the “compound republic” and multiple interests).
5. How do each of the following “auxillary precautions” guard against tyranny?
- 1. Separation of Powers
- 2. Checks and Balances
- 3. Federalism
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